Meu Perfil
BRASIL, Sudeste, CARAPICUIBA, CHACARA VALE DO RIO COTIA, Homem, de 46 a 55 anos, Portuguese, English, Informática e Internet, Livros, Cães (3)
MSN - luizmarquart@msn.com







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Histórico
 23/09/2007 a 29/09/2007
 09/09/2007 a 15/09/2007
 02/09/2007 a 08/09/2007
 19/08/2007 a 25/08/2007
 12/08/2007 a 18/08/2007
 05/08/2007 a 11/08/2007
 29/07/2007 a 04/08/2007
 22/07/2007 a 28/07/2007
 15/07/2007 a 21/07/2007
 08/07/2007 a 14/07/2007
 01/07/2007 a 07/07/2007
 03/06/2007 a 09/06/2007
 27/05/2007 a 02/06/2007
 20/05/2007 a 26/05/2007
 13/05/2007 a 19/05/2007
 06/05/2007 a 12/05/2007
 22/04/2007 a 28/04/2007
 15/04/2007 a 21/04/2007
 08/04/2007 a 14/04/2007
 01/04/2007 a 07/04/2007
 25/03/2007 a 31/03/2007
 11/03/2007 a 17/03/2007
 18/02/2007 a 24/02/2007
 04/02/2007 a 10/02/2007
 14/01/2007 a 20/01/2007
 07/01/2007 a 13/01/2007
 31/12/2006 a 06/01/2007
 24/12/2006 a 30/12/2006
 26/11/2006 a 02/12/2006
 29/10/2006 a 04/11/2006
 01/10/2006 a 07/10/2006
 24/09/2006 a 30/09/2006
 10/09/2006 a 16/09/2006
 23/07/2006 a 29/07/2006
 21/05/2006 a 27/05/2006
 23/04/2006 a 29/04/2006
 26/03/2006 a 01/04/2006
 19/03/2006 a 25/03/2006
 05/03/2006 a 11/03/2006
 26/02/2006 a 04/03/2006
 15/01/2006 a 21/01/2006
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 04/12/2005 a 10/12/2005
 13/11/2005 a 19/11/2005
 06/11/2005 a 12/11/2005
 30/10/2005 a 05/11/2005
 23/10/2005 a 29/10/2005
 16/10/2005 a 22/10/2005
 09/10/2005 a 15/10/2005
 02/10/2005 a 08/10/2005
 25/09/2005 a 01/10/2005
 28/08/2005 a 03/09/2005
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 19/06/2005 a 25/06/2005
 22/05/2005 a 28/05/2005
 01/05/2005 a 07/05/2005
 17/04/2005 a 23/04/2005
 03/04/2005 a 09/04/2005
 27/03/2005 a 02/04/2005
 20/03/2005 a 26/03/2005
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 27/02/2005 a 05/03/2005
 13/02/2005 a 19/02/2005
 06/02/2005 a 12/02/2005
 30/01/2005 a 05/02/2005
 02/01/2005 a 08/01/2005
 26/12/2004 a 01/01/2005
 19/12/2004 a 25/12/2004
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 05/12/2004 a 11/12/2004
 28/11/2004 a 04/12/2004
 21/11/2004 a 27/11/2004
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nytimes.com

May 26, 2005

The President's Stem Cell Theology

President Bush seems determined to thwart any loosening of the restrictions he has imposed on federal financing of embryonic stem cell research, despite rising sentiment in Congress and the nation at large for greater federal support of this fast-emerging field. His actions are based on strong religious beliefs on the part of some conservative Christians, and presumably the president himself. Such convictions deserve respect, but it is wrong to impose them on this pluralistic nation.

Mr. Bush threatened this week to veto a modest research-expansion bill that was approved by the House and is likely to be passed by the Senate. The reason, he said, is that the measure would "take us across a critical ethical line" by encouraging the destruction of embryos from which the stem cells are extracted. Never mind that this particular ethical line looms large only for a narrow segment of the population. It is not deemed all that critical by most Americans or by most religious perspectives. Rather, the president's intransigence provided powerful proof of the dangers of letting one group's religious views dictate national policy.

The president's policy is based on the belief that all embryos, even the days-old, microscopic form used to derive stem cells in a laboratory dish, should be treated as emerging human life and protected from harm. This seems an extreme way to view tiny laboratory entities that are no larger than the period at the end of this sentence and are routinely flushed from the body by Mother Nature when created naturally.

These blastocysts, as they are called, bear none of the attributes we associate with humanity and, sitting outside the womb, have no chance of developing into babies. Some people consider them clumps of cells no different than other biological research materials. Others would grant them special respect but still make them available for worthy research. But Mr. Bush is imposing his different moral code on both, thereby slowing research that most consider potentially beneficial.

The president drew his line in the sand back in 2001 when he decreed that federal funds could be used only for research on stem cell lines that already existed. His rationale was that the embryos that yielded those lines had already been destroyed but he did not want to encourage any more destruction, even if the embryos came from fertility clinics' surplus stocks that were ultimately to be discarded. Unfortunately, only about 20 lines have become available under his policy, and most suffer from technical and contamination problems that make them unsuitable for certain kinds of research. Scientists want access to more surplus embryos and the ability to create embryos from scratch in the laboratory, ideally with federal financing.

The bill just passed by the House would ease the problem by allowing federal money to support research on a much wider array of stem cells derived from embryos that would otherwise be discarded. Although that seems an extremely modest step, Mr. Bush countered with a stagy show in which he was surrounded by babies and toddlers born of test-tube embryos that were implanted in women eager to have children. "There is no such thing as a spare embryo," he said, noting that a Christian program for embryo adoption has already led to 81 births, with more on the way.

The implication was that surplus embryos should be used to produce children, not stem cells, but it seems unlikely that such programs, which have to rely on people who are willing to allow others to give birth to and raise their genetic offspring, can make much of a dent in the stock of 400,000 surplus embryos at fertility clinics. There will be thousands of embryos available for research should Congress find the will to pay for it.

Unfortunately, none of this week's heated debate focused on the most promising area of stem cell research, research cloning or therapeutic cloning. Mr. Bush is adamantly opposed to such research, which involves creating microscopic embryos to derive stem cells that genetically match a diseased patient, thus facilitating research on particular diseases and ultimately potential cures. There, too, he seeks to impose his morality on a society with pluralistic views.



Categoria: EUA - estado x religião
Escrito por Luiz J. Marquart às 13h13
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usnewswire.com

Christian Coalition of America Commends U.S. Senate for Confirming Justice Priscilla Owen; Left-wing Senators Give-up 4-Year-long Filibuster

5/25/2005 8:20:00 PM

WASHINGTON, May 25 /U.S. Newswire/ -- Christian Coalition of America commends the 56 Senators in the United States Senate who voted 56-43 today to confirm Texas Supreme Court Justice Priscilla Owen to a seat on the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. Left-wing Democrat Senators have been filibustering her nomination ever since President Bush nominated her on May 9, 2001.

Roberta Combs, President of the Christian Coalition said, "Texas Supreme Court Justice Priscilla Owen has been discriminated against since she was nominated by President Bush in May 2001. She has been a Justice on that court since 1994 and received a well-qualified rating by the left-wing American Bar Association. Never in the past 214 years of the U.S. Senate has there been a filibuster of a president's nominees no matter which party controlled the White House. Discrimination against successful women and minorities must end."

Today, left-wing Senators promised to filibuster the nominations of Henry Saad and William Myers, judicial nominees to the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. Christian Coalition urges the Senate to use the "constitutional option" to break the anticipated filibusters of these highly-qualified judicial nominees. If allowed a Senate floor vote, it is anticipated that William Myers would receive 58 votes since he received 53 votes in the previous Congress. The Republicans increased their majority by 5 votes in the last election, mainly due to the American public's frustration with the continued obstruction and filibusters by left-wing Democrats.

The Christian Coalition of America is America's largest Christian grassroots organization with more than 2 million supporters. The organizations website may be referenced at: http://www.cc.org

http://www.usnewswire.com/

-0-

/© 2005 U.S. Newswire 202-347-2770/



Categoria: EUA - estado x religião
Escrito por Luiz J. Marquart às 10h55
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Economist.com

Purgatory without end

May 26th 2005
From The Economist print edition
Why is America still so prone to wars of religion?

IN 1782, a French immigrant named Hector St John de Crèvecoeur predicted that America was destined to be a much more secular place than Europe. In America “religious indifference” was rapidly becoming the rule, and “the strict modes of Christianity as practised in Europe” were being lost. “Persecution, religious pride, the love of contradiction, are the food of what the world commonly calls religion,” he argued. In America, their absence meant that religious passion “burns away in the open air, and consumes without effect.”

Suffice to say that de Crèvecoeur has not found a place alongside Alexis de Tocqueville as an anatomist of the American soul. In Europe religion doesn't rise to the level of burning away “in the open air”; in fact, it barely smoulders. Most European politicians would rather talk about sexually transmitted diseases than their own faith in God. The hugely bulky European constitution doesn't mention Christianity.

America's policymakers, by contrast, don't seem to talk about anything else. Look at the issues that have dominated the past week: the Supreme Court's decision to take up an abortion case, George Bush's threat to veto a bill on stem cells, even the tortuous debate about filibusters. Religion is at the heart of each one. Or listen to the activists talk. From the left, Howard Dean, the chairman of the Democratic Party, warns that America risks being turned into a “theocracy where the highest powers tell us what to do”. Lou Sheldon, head of the Traditional Values Coalition, talks darkly of “the all-out assault on Christians being waged by our government, by America's educational institutions, by the media and throughout popular culture”.

Why are Americans so keen on arguing about religion? The answer is that America is simultaneously a highly religious culture and a highly secular one...

But at the same time religion—and particularly de Crèvecoeur's “strict” religion—is thriving. In the 2004 presidential exit polls, most Americans described themselves as regular churchgoers. Only 10% admitted to having no religion. A higher proportion of Americans say they would be willing to vote for an openly gay presidential candidate (59%) than an openly atheist one (49%). Evangelical or “born-again” Christians make up a quarter of the population; and they are on the march.

...Now evangelism is the religion of the upwardly mobile, of McMansions and office parks, with evangelicals almost drawing level with (traditionally upper-crust) Episcopalians in terms of wealth and education.

Over the past 25 years, these more confident evangelicals have become the most powerful voting block in the Republican Party. Now they want to redefine the boundaries of church and state to make more room for public displays of religiosity and for faith-based social policy, and to put the “culture of life” back at the heart of the American experiment.

...

One party under God

Which all suggests that America's religious wars are only going to intensify. Fourteen moderate senators averted a nuclear explosion over conservative judges this week; but explosions over the issues which made those judges controversial seem all but inevitable. Just wait for the next Supreme Court ruling on abortion. Or for the next vacancy on the court to open up.

The polarisation of politics along religious lines is deepening by the day. George Bush won eight out of ten “values voters” in the last election, and the identification of the Republican leadership with the religious right has tightened during the struggles over euthanasia and gay marriage. And there are also deeper reasons. The constitution's ban on Congress intervening in religion is vague enough for conservatives to say that this was just stopping an official state religion, and for secularists to say it set up a wall between religion and the state. Similarly, America's division of powers means that the courts are constantly being asked to give firm answers to profound questions such as when life begins and ends. Europeans fudge these issues, by leaving them more often to parliaments to find political compromises.

Forget today's crowing about the ceasefire in Congress. America's wars of religion will get a lot nastier before any long-lasting peace can be declared—if ever.



Copyright © 2005 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved.



Categoria: EUA - estado x religião
Escrito por Luiz J. Marquart às 10h42
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